Charles E W Bean, Diaries, AWM38 3DRL 606/101/1 - February - March 1918 - Part 5

Conflict:
First World War, 1914–18
Subject:
  • Documents and letters
Status:
Open to contributions
Accession number:
RCDIG1066852
Difficulty:
1

Page 1 / 8

amongst theleaders of t for some üme past, but Long did not appear to have grasped this point or even to have beardof it. I explained it as well as I could to him. Altogether the little man seemed to be ragher blasé and perfunctory, and I doubt if he has any geniøus in his composition at all. The full terms of the Cermans with Russia were announced to-day. The Germans have thrown over all their fine policies bout no anneza- tions and no indemnities. They ask for a big indemnity, which will probably be taken outin grain and supplies, and although the word "annexation" is avoided, in fact, they are detaching from Russia and annexing to themselves, Finland, Esthonia, Livonia, Courland, Lithuania, Poland, Ukraine. The Austians, in spite of all Count Czernowitz' pesceable professions do not object to a little annexa¬ ttion or recitifation on their own part also. So much for the Herman lip service of the ideals which Lenin and Trotsky have brought into the world's currency. The Germans's have simply used these ideals as a bait to trap the Russian. That is to say that their whole agreement with them has turned out to be pure hypoorssy and pretence, only intended to cover their designs of breaking the Russians up and getting the utmost that they can out of them. Fonuan 28 We are going into ofher offices opposite the main entrance to our Headquarters, at 10lA Horseferry Road. The whole Section will eventually be together, with its darkrooms in the base- ment, its m'seum office and other offices in the shops and the two floors above occupied by Capt. Treloar, the sectional historians, myself, and our clerks. I forgot to mention that just before I left France this ime, excellent our Corps had carried out another/little raid. One sees the names of the Australians now in raids every few days. I think the Germans opposite their sector must be getting a lively time. It cannot be nice to see a portion of your trenches suddenly involved in a hulla- bursting bulloo, with shells and trench mortars bombs, and after the dust has cleared, to get back and hour later and find 30 or 40 men lying abont dead, and all t eir dugouts ransacked, and a number of others missing, and your machine guns gone. This last raid was oarriedout 4y oni-
20 carried out by only 20 men. I described it in a cable, so I xilkx will not duplicate it here Upon my word, the German cynicism surprises one even now. Presumably they want somebody or another to get somebody to agree to an armistice with them be fore the final peace is negotiated. How anyone is going to trust their word that they will keep that armistice unless he has them under his thumb and is standing over them with a cat and nine tails, I don’t know. In their negotiations with the Russians, it was agreed between the two sides that there should be ten days' notice on eigher side bfore the armistice was concluded and active hostilities resumed. The-Russians Trotsky finally found himself in a corner when resistance was useless and sdaid that they would not conclude peace, but would simply give orders to their armies to be disbanded, and would cease to fight the Germans The Germans, no doubt, realised that if they gave the Russians ten days' notice, which they were obliged to do before advancing, the Russians would destroy their guns and stores. Accordingly, the Germans publiched a declaration that the Russians had already broken the armistice or given notice of its termination, in spirit, by the attitude that they had taken up, and that therefore, the Germans con¬ sidered that they were absolved from their pledge to give ten days' notice. They would resume their advance the day after tomorrow. The crear object of this was to collar the Russian guns, ammunition and material of all sorts by breaking their pledge. I daresay they will also collar the Russian ships. But someday they will have to get somebody to trust the promise of their nation, and one only hopes that the men who broke their word on this ogasion will live to rue the day. How the Germans regard their pledged word has many shown many times, but there is a paragraph in the "Times' which gives another example of such as four years ago, most of us, believers in peace, would not have credited. "The Times' says:-"The following is a copy of a communication received in London, which was originaly addressed by Major Druffely, a German Staff officer, to the Turkish commanders on the 'ersian front:- Communicate discreetly to the Kurdish chiefs that according to Army orders received by me they are to accelerate the Russian withdrawal by continuing their robberies and ambushes, in spite
4 of the armistice. The withdrawal of the Russians is to be as cost ly to them as possible. Explain to the tribes the precarious position of the Russians, and tell them how easy success will be. Their withdrawal from Pefsia is imminent, and whilst it is in progress the greatest loss must be inflicted on them. In fact, the armistice should make no difference whatever to their action-" I was one of many four years ago who did not believe that a great nation could do that sort of thing; one put it out of the region of possibility. Such things were not done. I suppose the world will someday reach the happy condition in which such things agei- are,believed imposable. Possibly posterity will not believe us when we say that they happened to-day. That would have been my own attitude four years ago. I see Joe Cook and Hughes are both coming to England to an Imperial Conference this summer. The reason of course is that neither of them trusts the other to come away without him. They will make a pair of Heavenly Twins just as Massey and Ward of New Zealand do. FRRUAR 27 One thought that the continuance of Trotsky's wonderfully audacious attitude in dealing with the Germans was impossible. It was almost too good to last; and it has broken down. Trotsky made the mistake which many of us might once have made of believing that reason is a sufficient answer to brute force. So it may be in the long run. One does not know what may be the outcome of the ideals of the Bolsheviks. But as far as the lives of many men go, who will not see the end of this war, Trotsky's attitude has not availed them anything. Poor chaps! I suppose a million more at least will go out before this war ends, and they have precious little chance of seeing the result of Trotsky's fine phrases and high ideas. If the Russians had only held, those lives would have been saved and the war would have been over by this time. The French Press has been making a great point of the possibilit of Japan coming in in the East, where at present the Siberia lies open to the Germans. The Bolsheviks are not ready to accept the German invasion
42 of their sountry without resistance. The poor beggars have just iissued a tragic appeal to the people to rise against the in- vading Germans and fight to the last breath against it, but d. I am afraid thi organisation of Russia has gone a long way beyond the possibility of that. The declaratinn which they posted up in the streest of Petrograd on February 25 is given in to- days papers, butl fancy that they must know themselves that it is too late and that the people can scarcely be roused at this stage "Workers, Peasants, Soldiers and Sailors: The Central Executive Committee of the Soviets has accepted the peace condi- tions omposed by the Austro-German Governments, and yesterday our answer was despatched by wireless. We arem however,astill awaiting confirmation of receipt. The imperialist assassins are nevertheless continuing their monstrous advance into the inerior of Russia. The damned minions of Williamand the German Kaledins, together with the White Guards, are advancing against and shooing the Soviets, re- constituting the power of the kandlords, bankers and capitalists and preparing for the restoration of the Monarchy. The Revolu¬ tion is in peril! A mortal blow will be struck against the Red Petrograd. If you all, Workers, Soldiers, Peasants, wish to retain power and the power of the Soiets, you must fight these hordes, who are now seeking to devour you, to your last gasp. The decisive hour has struck! Workers, and all oppressed men and women, you must swell teranks of the Red Battalions! To arms, all of you, that the struggle may onlycease with your last breath!" The old Cerman Ambassador, J. W. Gerard, is publiching extracts from his Diary in "The Times". In October, 1915, he says "There is talk now of marching to Egypt....... . ... The Foreign Office leads the rejoicing over the Entente's invasion of Greece and the violation of is neutrality and says that talk about Belgium is now shown to be cant. In another place he says:- "O,e of the German commercial magnates is afraid that his Bagdad railway is menaced by a possible Englisk success at the Dardanelles' I shouldhave thought that the Germans knew by October that there was very little chance of our having any success there. FEBRUARY 28 This morning's newspapers are full of speculation as to whether Japan will come in and invade Siberia, in order to save the supplies and stores at Vladivostock and along the Siberian railway from being seized by the Germans. It is said that Japan has made a proposal to this effect. There is said to be 500,000 tons of munition and material at Vladivostock, and a great deal along the SiberianRailway, and a message comes from Pekin that the
13 German and Austrian prisoners are free east of Lake Baikal, and thit the Bolsheviks are arming them. The position looks a very dangerous one, and not at all to be taken at its face value. Of course, there probably are great stores in Siberia, and it would be a tragedy if all the accumulation which the Pritish, American, Japanese, and other workshops slaved themselves to provide for their Rus sian Allies, were given oer without a blow to the Germans to be used against us. At the same time one looks with the greatest mistrust upon the chances of 'apan invading Siberia. The scene of action is so far away, and one has an idea that the "apanese are so given to underground engineering that the mews which comes through is most difficult to trustM This meessage in the "Timesw from Pekin may have something at the back of it, On the other hand, of course, one has fhe that it may be a runour spread by the Japanese simply with the idea of giving a reason for their interference, and of raising feeling amongst the Japanese people themselves. I see that the Americans are by no means so willing to agree to the Japanese coming in as the British and especially the French appear to be. The one thing that theye regard is getting some further assistance in the war, without worrying overmuch about any great changes that me it may involve in the future map of the world. The United States, on the other hand, is certainly thinking of the possibility that Japan, after once getting into Siberia may never get cut of it again. As far as Australia is concerned, I have heard some people say that it would be the best possible solution that the Japanese should have their attention directed to Siberia in the near future because this would occupy them for a generation and keep their thoughts away from Australia. I dined with Cutlack and his wife to-night at Simpsons and we went afterwards to the savoy Theatre. He returns to France to-morrow. MANCH 1 I seothat it is said that Japan is to act in Siberia. The United States has recognised the utility of Japan's action and only the details remain to be settled. The question which seems to be dividing them now ss that whereas Britain and France would prefer Japan to go into Siberia alone, as they have not the troops ters.
11 To spare for this, America is in favour of a joint expedition. The difference between these two steps is of course enormous. If Japan goes in alone, there is very much less prospect of getting her out, should she wish to stay, than if she went intogether with the troops of the other Allies. I think that what is now happening in the East may conceivably be more important in the future of the world than all the rest of the questions put together. After all, it may amount to whether Asia will belong to a great White Power, or an Asiatic Power; whether in the vast country of Siberia we shall have a white state more or less akin to ourselves and other European states, or a high Japanese Power. The English papers certainly do not recognise this. Treloar and I have been fighting for all we are worth againt the supposed promise of the Australian Government that the pick of Australian trophies should go to the Imperial War Museum in London. I forget whether I mentioned before that when Colonel Hurley was appointed onr representative on the Committee of the Imperial War Museum in Loncon, he found oufthat the Australian Government had been asked through the Colonial Segeetary to agree to the pick of the trophies of all the Dominions going to the Imperial War Museum in London, so that this should be the one great representative collection of the British Empire in this country. This Imperial Museum had a very influential Committee behind it and aturally this Committee was enthusiastic about the conception of this fine idea of a memorial collection. At the same time, it would mean for Australia that we should lose the pick of our trophies from our own museums, and the War Museums mean far more to Australia that they do to Great Britain. For us, they are the foundation of our national museums; the be ginningof a series of national museums institutions, which I hope will equal anythig in the world. One wants to see in Autralia centres of study and research or art and culture which are not to play a secondary part to any others in the world, but which are, as far as they can be, the most complete and efficient that our nation can maintain. We want to
2. to encourage in Australian centres the principle that they are centres and not appendages of other greater cent res else- where. That our capital is a metropolis, and not merely a provincial city. We shall never get the best of our people until this attitude, this enthusiasm, and tis national spirit is established. Further, we are out to make our war museum, our war gallery, and eur war library, if possible, not merely fine museums for Australia, but the finest that the world con- tains, so that it may be in the interests of scientists and historians and travellirs to visit them for their own sake. When Colonel Hurley first heard that t is request had been made to Australia, and that the Committee clearly assumed that Aus¬ trralia along with the other dominions had given her consent to this arrangement, we were greatly disappointed and at once set about, if possible, to get this consent reversed. First I went to see Lord Beaverbrook, and to arrage, ifpossible, t act in con- junction with Canada, whose Government also had assented to the arrangement, but who was bitterly opposed to it himself. He gave me a hint that he was likely to obtain a seat in the British Cabinet, and that if he did so, he would try and get this D'partment under him In that case, he said, we could come to any arrangement that suited us, as he understood our positi on however and our principles. When I saw him, therefere, just before going to France, it was clear that the whole matter would depend upon his goodwill, and it seemed to me wise to strengthen our case by cabling in any case to Australia to get the consent reversed. I sent a very strongcable to the press. On returning to London from France, I found that a good deal of feeling had been aroused in Australian by the proposal that our best trophies should be handed over to the British War Museum, and that Senator Pearce had said that no promise had been made by Australia to agree to this, wor was any likely to be made, whilst Hughes had added that it was particularly desired by the Government that all Australian trophies should go to the Austtralian Museum, the troops having earned this right by their gallantry and sacrifice.
. Fo-day I was rung up by Box saying that a cable had been received from Australia that the Minister strongly resented the High Commissioner having agreed to this proposal on be- half of Australia without consulting them. Box could not under- stand this at all as of course, the High Commissioner never had agreed. It turned out that this cablewas one sent to the "Daily Chronicle" which Box had - I don't know by what channel - received. It said that the War Office had informed Australia that someone acting on behalf of Australia had made this promise. The Imperial War Museum on being referred to by Box and Mr, Smart, confirmed this and said that a resolution had been passed at one of their meetings at which Hurley was present, agreeing to the best of the trophies being sent to the Imperial. War Museum. Now, ifHurley had assented to such a proposal, which I suppose he did, it was certainly only on the understanding that the Australian Government had made the promise over his head before the matter was brought up. The Imperial War Museums Committee ought to have known that this was not the case, and if they allowed Hurley to think that it was the case, then the mistake - and I think it was a genuine mistake - was purely theirs. Cer- tainly no promise was made by Hurley on behalf of the Government. I went and saw Lieut. ffoulkes, the Secretary of the Committee about this, and he was very sorry that any misunderstanding had arisen. He promised to call a Committee meeting, in order if possible to put things right, but I think that further steps than that will probably have to be taken.

39

amongst the leaders of it for some time past, but Long did not appear
to have grasped this point or even to have  heard of it. I explained

it as well as I could to him.  Altogether the little man seemed to

be rather blasē and perfunctory, and I doubt if he has any genius

in his composition at all.

The full terms of the Germans with Russia were announced to-day. 

The Germans have thrown over all their fine policies bout no annexations
 and no indemnities.   They ask for a big indemnity, which will
 probably be taken out in grain and supplies, and although the word 

"annexation" is avoided, in fact, they are detaching from Russia and 

annexing to themselves, Finland, Esthonia, Livonia, Courland, 

Lithuania, Poland, Ukraine. The Austrians, in spite of all Count

 Czernowitz' peaceable professions do not object to a little annexation 

or recitifation on their own part also.  So much for the 

German lip service of the ideals which Lenin and Trotsky have brought 

into the world's currency.  the German's have simply used these 

ideals as a bait to trap the Russian.  That is to say that their 

whole agreement with them has has turned out to be pure hypocrisy  and 

pretence, only intended to cover their designs of breaking the 

Russians up and getting the utmost that they can out of them. 

FEBRUARY 26

We are going into other offices opposite the main 

entrance to our Headquarters, at 101A Horseferry Road.  The whole 

Section will eventually be together, with its darkrooms in the basement, 

its museum office and other offices in the shops and the two 

floors above occupied by Capt. Treloar, the sectional historians, 

myself, and our clerks. 

I forgot to mention that just before I left France this time, 

our Corps had carried out another excellent little raid.  One sees the names

of the Australians now in raids every few days.  I think the Germans 

opposite their sector must be getting a lively time.   It cannot be

nice to see a portion of your trenches suddenly involved in a hullabulloo, 

with bursting shells and trench mortar bombs, and after 

the dust has cleared, to get back and hour later and find 30 or 40 men

lying about dead, and all their dugouts ransacked, and a number of 

others missing, and your machine guns gone.  This last raid was 

carried out by only

 

40

carried out by only 20 men.  I described it in a cable, so I xxxxx

will not duplicate it here 

Upon my word, the German cynicism surprises one even now. 

Presumably they want somebody or another to get somebody to agree

to an armistice with them before the final peace is negotiated.

How anyone is going to trust their word that they will keep that 

armistice unless he has them under his thumb and is standing over 

them with a cat and nine tails, I don't know.  In their negotiations 

with the Russians, it was agreed between the two sides that there 

should be ten days' notice on either side before the armistice was
 concluded and active hostilities resumed.  The Russians  Trotsky 

finally found himself in a corner when resistance was useless and 

said that they would not conclude peace, but would simply give orders

to their armies to be disbanded, and would cease to fight the Germans

The Germans, no doubt, realised that if they gave the Russians ten 

days' notice, which they were obliged to do before advancing, the 

Russians would destroy their guns and stores.  Accordingly, the 

Germans publiched a declaration that the Russians had already broken 

the armistice or given notice of its termination, in spirit, by the 

attitude that they had taken up, and that therefore the Germans considered 

that they were absolved from their pledge to give ten days'

notice.  They would resume their advance the day after tomorrow.
The clear object of this was to collar the Russian guns, ammunition

and material of all sorts by breaking their pledge.  I daresay 

they will also collar the Russian ships.  But someday they they will 

live to rue the day.  How the Germans regard their pledged word 

has many shown many times, but there is a paragraph in the "Times"

which gives another example of such as four years ago, most of 

us, believers in peace, would not have credited.  "The Times"

says:-"The following is a copy of a communication received in 

London, which was originally addressed by Major Druffel, a German

Staff officer, to the Turkish commanders on the Persian front:-
Communicate discreetly to the Kurdish chiefs that according to 

Army orders received by me they are to accelerate the Russian  

withdrawal by continuing their robberies and ambushes, in spite

 

41

of the armistice.  The withdrawal of the Russians is to be as costly

to them as possible. 

 

Explain to the tribes the precarious position of the Russians, 

and tell them how easy success will be.  Their withdrawal from 

Persia is imminent, and whilst it is in progress the greatest 

loss must be inflicted on them.  if fact, the armistice should 

make no difference whatever to their action-"

 

I was one of many four years ago who did not believe that 

a great nation could do that sort of thing; one put it out of the 

region of possibility.  Such things were not done.  I suppose the 

world will someday reach the happy condition in which such things 

are again believed impossible.  Possibly posterity will not believe us

when we say that they happened to-day.  That would have been my 

own attitude four years ago. 

 

I see Joe Cook and Hughes are both coming to England to an 

Imperial Conference this summer.  The reason of course is that 

neither of them trusts the other to come away without him.  They 

will make a pair of Heavenly Twins just as Massey and Ward of 

New Zealand do. 

 

FEBRUARY 27

One thought that the continuance of Trotsky's wonderfully 

audacious attitude in dealing with the Germans was impossible.  It 

was almost too good to last; and it has broken down.  Trotsky made

the mistake which many of us might once have made of believing 

that reason is a sufficient answer to brute force.  So it may be 

in the long run.  One does not know what may be the outcome of

the ideals of the Bolsheviks.  But as far as the lives of many 

men go, who will not see the end of this war, Trotsky's attitude 

has not availed them anything.  Poor chaps!  I suppose a million

more at least will go out before this war ends, and they have 

precious little chance of seeing the result of Trotsky's fine 

phrases and high ideas.  If the Russians had only held, those

lives would have been saved and the war would have ben over by 

this time. 
The French Press has been making a great point of the possibility

of Japan coming in in the East, where at present the Siberia lies

open to the Germans. 
The Bolsheviks are not ready to accept the German invasion

 

42

of their country without resistance.  The poor beggars have just 

iissued a tragic appeal to the people to rise against the invading

Germans and fight to the last breath against it, but 

I am afraid this the disorganisation of Russia has gone a long way 

beyond the possibility of that.  The declaration which they posted

up in the streest of Petrograd on February 25 is given in todays 

papers, but I fancy that they must know themselves that it 

is too late and that the people can scarcely be roused at this 

stage. 
"Workers, Peasants, Soldiers and Sailors!  The Central 

Executive Committee of the Soviets has accepted the peace conditions 

omposed by the Austro-German Governments, and yesterday

our answer was despatched by wireless.  We arem however, still 

awaiting confirmation of receipt.
The imperialist assassins are nevertheless continuing their 

monstrous advance into the inerior of Russia.  The damned 

minions of William and the German Kaledins, together with the 

White Guards, are advancing against and shooing the Soviets, reconstituting

the power of the landlords, bankers and capitalists,

and preparing for the restoration of the Monarchy.  The Revolution 

is in peril! A mortal blow will be struck against the Red

Petrograd.  If you all, Workers, Soldiers, Peasants, wish to 

retain power and the power of the Soviets, you must fight these

hordes, who are now seeking to devour you, to your last gasp.  The

decisive hour has struck!

 

Workers, and all oppressed men and women, you must swell 

the  ranks of the Red Battalions!  To arms, all of you, that the 

struggle may only cease with your last breath!"

 

The old German Ambassador, J.W. Gerard, is publishing 

extracts from his Dairy in "The Times".  In October, 1915 he says 

 

"There is talk now of marching to Egypt...........The Foreign

Office leads the rejoicing over the Entente's invasion of Greece

and the violation of its neutrality and says that talk about Belgium

is now shown to be cant."
In another place he says:- "One of the German commercial magnates

is afraid that his Bagdad railway is menaced by a possible Englisgh

success at the Dardanelles"
I shouldhave thought that the Germans knew by October that 

there was very little chance of our having any success there.

FEBRUARY 28

This morning's newspapers are full of speculation as to 

whether Japan will come in and invade Siberia, in order to save

the supplies and stores at Vladivostock and along the Siberian 

Railway from being seized by the Germans.  It is said that Japan has 

made a proposal to this effect.  There is said to be 500,000 tons

of munition and material at Vladivostock, and a great deal along 

the Serberian Railway, and a message comes from Pekin that the

 

43

German and Austrian prisoners are free east of Lake Baikal, 

and that the Bolsheviks are arming them.  The position looks a 

very dangerous one, and not at all to be taken at its face value. 

Of course, there probably are great stores in Siberia, and it 

would be a tragedy if all the accumulation which the British, 

American, Japanese, and other workshops slaved themselves to 

provide for their Russian Allies, were given over without a blow 

to the Germans to be used against us.  At the same time one looks

with the greatest mistrust upon the chances of Japan invading 

Siberia.  The scene of action is so far away, and one has an idea

that the Japanese are so given to underground engineering that the 

news which comes through is most difficult to trustM  This message

in the "Times„ from Pekin may have something at the back of it, 

On the other hand, of course, one has the iea notion that it may be a 

runour spread by the Japanese simply with the idea of giving a 

reason for their interference, and of raising feeling amongst the

Japanese people themselves.  I see that the Americans are by no 

means so willing to agree to the Japanese coming in as the British

and especially the French appear to be.  The one thing that these

regard is getting some further assistance in the war, without

worrying overmuch about any great changes that may it may involve 

in the future map of the world.  The United States, on the other 

hand, is certainly thinking of the possibility that Japan, after

once getting into Siberia may never get out of it again.  As far 

as Australia is concerned, I have heard some people say that it 

would be the best possible solution that the Japanese should have 

their attention directed to Siberia in the near future because this

would occupy them for a generation and keep their thoughts away 

from Australia. 
I dined with Cutlack and his wife to-night at Simpsons and 

we went afterwards to the Savoy Theatre. He returns to France 

to-morrow. 
MARCH 1   I see that it is said that Japan is to act in Siberia.

The United States has recognised the utility of Japan's action and 

only the details remain to be settled.  The question which seems

to be dividing them now is that whereas Britain and France would 

prefer Japan to go into Siberia alone, as they have not the troops

to. s..

 

44

To spare for this, America is in favour of a joint expedition.

The difference between these two steps is of course enormous. 

If Japan goes in alone, there is very much less prospect of getting 

her out, should she wish to stay, than if she went intogether with 

the troops of the  other Allies.
I think that what is now happening in the East may conceivably

be more important in the future of the world than all the rest of

the questions put together.  After all, it may amount to whether 

Asia will belong to a great White Power, or an Asiatic Power;

whether in the vast country of Siberia we shall have a white state 

more or less akin to ourselves and other European states, or a 

high Japanese Power.  The English papers certainly do not recognise 

this. 
Treloar and I have been fighting for all we are worth against 

the supposed promise of the Australian Government that the pick

of Australian trophies should go to the Imperial War Museum in 

London.  I forget whether I mentioned before that when Colonel 

Hurley was appointed our representative on the Committee of the 

Imperial War Museum in London, he found out that the Australian 

Government had been asked through the Colonial Secreetary to agree

to the pick of the trophies of all the Dominions going to the 

Imperial War Museum in London, so that this should be the one great

representative collection of the British Empire in this country. 

This Imperial Museum had a very influential Committee behind it

and naturally this Committee was enthusiastic about the conception

of this fine idea of a memorial collection.  At the same time, 

it would mean for Australia that we should lose the pick of our 

trophies from our own museums, and the War Museums mean far more to 

Australia that they do to Great Britain.  For us, they are the 

Foundation of our national museums; the beginning of a series of 

national museums  institutions, which I hope will equal anything  in

the world.  One wants to see in Autralia centres of study and research

or art and culture which are not to play a secondary part to any 

others in the world, but which are, as far as they can be, the most 

complete and efficient that our nation can maintain.  We want to 

 

45

to encourage in Australian centres the principle that they 

are centres and not appendages of other greater centres elsewhere. 

That our capital is a metropolis, and not merely a 

provincial city.  We shall never get the best our out of our people

until this attitude, this enthusiasm, and this national sprit is 

established.  Further, we are out to make our XXXXXXX war museum, 

our war gallery, and our war library, if possible, not merely

fine museums for Australia, but the finest that the world contains, 

so that it may be in the interests of scientists and

historians and travellers to visit them for their own sake. 

When Colonel Hurley first heard that t is request had been made 

to Australia, and the the Committee clearly assumed that Austrralia 

along with the other dominions had given her consent to 

this arrangement, we were greatly disappointed and at once set

about, if possible, to get this consent reversed.  First I went 

to see Lord Beaverbrook, and to arrange, ifpossible, to act in conjunction 

with Canada, whose Government also had assented to the 

arrangement, but who was bitterly opposed to it himself.  He

gave me a hint that he was likely to obtain a seat in the British

Cabinet, and that if he did so, he would try and get this 

Department under him  In that case, he said, we could come to 

any arrangement that suited us, as he understood our position

and our principles.  When I saw him, therefore however, just before going 

to France, it was clear that the whole matter would depend upon

his goodwill, and it seemed to me wise to strengthen our case

by cabling in any case to Australia to get the consent reversed. 

I sent a very stongcable to the press.  On returning to London 

from France, I found that a good deal of feeling had been aroused 

in Australian by the proposal that our best trophies should be handed over to the British War Museum, and that Senator Pearce 

had said that no promise had been made by Australia to agree to 

this, nor was any likely to be made, whilst Hughes had added

that it was particularly desired by the Government that all

Australian trophies should go to the Australian Museum, the

troops having earned this right by their gallantry and sacrifice. 

 

46


To-day I was rung up by Box saying that a cable had been 

received from Australia that the Minister strongly resented

the High Commissioner having agreed to this proposal on behalf

of Australia without consulting them.  Box could not understand

this at all as of course, the High Commissioner never had 

agreed.  It turned out that his cablewas one sent to the "Daily

Chronicle" which Box had - I don't know by what channel - received..

It said that the War Office had informed Australia that someone

acting on behalf of Australia had made this promise.  The Imperial 

War Museum on being referred to by Box and Mr, Smart, confirmed 

this and said that a resolution had been passed at one of their
 meetings at which Hurley was present, agreeing to the best of the 

trophies being sent to the Imperial War Museum.
Now, if Hurley had assented to such a proposal, which I suppose 

he did, it was certainly only on the understanding that the

Australian Government had made the promise over his head before

the matter was brought up.  The Imperial War Museums Committee

ought to have know that this was not the case, and if they 

allowed Hurley to think  it was the case, then the mistake -

and I think it was a genuine mistake - was purely theirs.  Certainly 

no promise was made by Hurley on behalf of the Government.

I went and saw Lieut. ffoulkes,  the Secretary of the Committee

about this, and he was very sorry that any misunderstanding had

arisen.  He promised to call a Committee meeting, in order if 

possible to put things right, but I think that further steps 

than that will probably have to be taken. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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