Charles E W Bean, Diaries, AWM38 3DRL 606/274B/1 - 1918 - 1939 - Part 3
9
May 31, 1930. The REVEILLE
But General Murray, who took over the Egyptian
command in 1916, got wind of Birdwood's "ambitions,"
and promptly told London that "I cannot
spare a single man... The Anzacs are the
keystone to the defence of Egypt."
As the army commanders were all so keen on
having the Diggers under their command when
the big "scrapping" was going on, it would have been
a gracious act on their part to have take them on
"a picnic parade" into Germany after the Armistice.
-- "Romani."
"Headstrong."
General Hobbs, who had not read the "Reveille"
article, but relied on incomplete quotations from it
in the daily press, has not quite grasped the point
at issue.
For instance, the correspondent who first raised
the question, and on whose behalf it was referred to
Mr Hughes (war time Prime Minister) for answer,
had never expressed disappointment that the
Australian troops were not drafted
to Germany. He simply asked
if there was any particular reason
why the Australian troops
were not sent, and his refencece
naturally referred to the divisions,
because it was well known that
a section of the Australian Flying
Corps had crossed into Germany.
Reading between the lines of
Mr Hughes's article, there are
some, able to speak authoritatively,
who might see their earlier
opinions confirmed that the
Australians were not included because, as the
records of the A.I.F. show, there were very many
independent and boisterous spirits among them --
men who had been difficult of control in back areas.
This was a fact fully appreciated by the British
High Command, which was anxious to impress the
German people with the docility and discipline of
the British troops. To the British High Command,
in a sense, the Australians were a paradox -- steady
and staunch in time of crisis; but headstrong and
aggressive in time of leisure.
Garrison duty in Germany for the British entailed
grave responsibilities, which might have given
rise to serious international complications if the
garrison troops had not always been submissive to
stern discipline -- necessary measures which would
have irritated the Diggers and caused a "boil over."
---"Investigator"
Liked the Frauleins.
The home-going of the Aussies would not have
been delayed if they had spent a month or two
with the British Army of Occupation. It's too
silly to suggest that the Diggers were not anxious
to have a spell in Germany. I was with a mob of
them that skipped from camp around Charleroi and
travelled to Cologne, only to be "pinched" by
M.P.'s as we left the station. Still that did not
deter us from having another try later -- a successful
one, too, and the welcome the Frauleins gave us
was worth any bother. Cologne was a "dinki-di berg".
It gave more comforts to the troops than
they got in the miserable, unwashed villages where
the Aussies were dumped for months, after the
Armistice, between La Cateau and Charleroi.
---"Anzac"
"General Billy"
Mr M.W. Hughes will ever remain a politician,
even though he did "command" the Australian
Army Corps in the Field, as he states in "Reveille,"
and as Sir John Monash, brilliant leader of the
A.I.F. failed to state in his war book, "Australian
Victories in France in 1918."
Sir John did make passing reference to some of
his generals who expected Corps H.Q. to provide
the luxury of a first-class London Hotel. Mr.
Hughes' "chief of staff," Sir Joseph Cook, was a
reputed growler in this respect.
"General" Billy Hughes is not consistent. If he
insisted on his "command" being rested, away from
the front -- as it actually was in October, 1918, why
is he angry at the Australian corps not being
allowed to head the march into Germany? Where
would the rest come in?
The historian of the famous 29th (English) Division
records its hurried entry into Germany:
After the Armistice, the 9th and 29th (English) Divisions
were selected to head the march into Germany. It
was probably the sternest test of sheer endurance as apart
from bravery, that the Division ever encountered. Food
and smokes were short all the way, the men were filthy
and covered with lice, and utterly worn out. The marches
were very severe, up to 20 miles a day, the roads bad, and
the weather usually appalling. The food supplies for some
20,000 men depended upon one pontoon bridge across the
Scheldt.
From the foregoing, Diggers can smile and feel
that the joke was really in their favour, as they
were saved the hardships that the 29th and 9th
endured. Leave into Germany was also not unknown
to a goodly number of Australians before
they returned to Australia, so "General" Billy is
seeking to make a mountain out of a molehill.
Incidentally, "General" Billy's wondrous interest
in the Digger of late 1918 was quite contrary to his
arrogance before them in early 1916, when he commenced
to run round the Western Front showing
how the war should be won.
Eighty-seven officers and 2658 of the 1st Aust.
Inf. Brigade, and 33 officers and 150 other ranks
of other Australian units on June 1st, 1916, were
paraded at 11a.m. in a field on the north side of
the River Lys in Belgium for his inspection.
Platoon parades were at 10; company parades
about 10.15; battalion parades 10.30; and a march
to the brigade parade before 11 -- when "General"
Billy was due.
He came along at 12.40; the brigade remaining
on parade waiting upon his pleasure. The 1st
Brigade staff expecting "General" Billy in good
time had prepared refreshments for him, and even
on his late arrival, out of courtesy, asked if he
would partake of refreshments before or after
inspection. It is actually on record that "General"
Billy "insisted" on having refreshments first.
Anyway, all good things must come to an end,
and so did "General" Billy's banquet. The troops
were eventually inspected and addressed by their
"chief." "General" Billy told them that Australia
was getting along quite well. The sequel --
well, an enormously disgusted 1st Brigade got back
(Continued on Page 32.)
32
The REVEILLE May 31, 1930
"AUSSIES BARRED." -- Continued from Page 9.
to billets and lunch at 2.30p.m. having spent four
and a half hours upon the pleasure of Mr Hughes.
So even if the self same warrior-statesman does
take credit unto himself for having got the Anzacs
leave and the Australian Corps a rest in spite of
General Monash's wishes that it fight on -- let him
debit a little of such credit against that needless
and thoughtless action of his in 1916, when he unreasonably inconvenienced the famous 1st Australian
Brigade -- something Fritz was never allowed
to do with impunity.--- Fred W. Taylor, 2nd Bn. (A.I.F.)
Race Towards Berlin
A cobber of mine, an original member of the
10th Battalion, voluntarily relinquished his right to
leave France with the 1914 furlough men for the
reason that he had come away from Aussie with
the determination to see Berlin, and did not intend
to retire just at the time the Germans were leading
the Diggers a great race towards Berlin.--- "3rd
Bde." (Broken Hill).
"Often Wrong."
In the last month's "Reveille" Mr Hughes writes
on the subject of the Army of Occupation in Germany,
that "when the victory was won and
soldiering became a holiday, the Australians were
contemptuously ignored. . . Among the Allied
troops sent to Germany the Australians were not
included."
Mr Hughes is often wrong when he comes to
discuss the war in detail. Having heard him a number
of times, I doubt whether even yet he can
distinguish one battle at Villers Bret. from another.
Someone else may be able to say definitely
whether it was Mr. Hughes who decided that the
Australian Corps should "go into decent winter
quarters," and that this was decided in June, 1918.
But the A.I.F. was represented in the limited number
of troops selected for the British contingent of
the Allied Army of Occupation. The British and
Belgian area was Cologne and Dusseldorf, and the
4th Squadron of the Australian Flying Corps was
sent to Cologne to represent the A.I.F. Major Ellis,
their O.C., could probably write you some
interesting stories of their stay there.---"K."
Canadian View.
Mr W.M. Hughes' article makes one wonder if
all ranks were so very annoyed at having been sent
home instead to Germany. Notions of what
constituted honour and dignity differed considerably
according to one's nearness to or distance from
the front line. Any "buck" private believed that he
would be kept in France indefinitely if it was for
the sake of allowing the Brass Hats "to lead him
into a conquered enemy country." The Canadians
were not at all keen about going on into Germany --
in fact, many considered the Australians had put
one over us by getting out of it.
The Third Canadian Division captured Mons on
the morning of the Armistice, and the town was
filled with troops when the glorious moment
arrived. Every available means of celebration was
fully utilised, and all oratory bristled with the
slogan "Home for Christmas." Days passed however,
and it was learned that the First and Second
Divisions were moving up behind the Germans
and were going into occupation. The Third and
Fourth Divisions were to relieve them in January.
This caused a great deal of unfavourable comment,
and "Brass Hatdom" received much more than the
usual amount of abuse. Then it was learned that
the Australians were not to be in the Army of
Occupation, and this caused a fresh outbreak, everybody
demanding to know why the Aussies were
being "favoured." Cook-houses and other rumour
centres were issuing "bulletins" daily. One story
was that all available boats were to be used to take
the Aussies home first, as they had the farthest to
go. Another yarn was that Canada and Australia
were to provide an Army of Occupation between
them; Canada to do six months and then Australia
six months. I remember one blithe spirit suggesting
that a picked battalion of Canadians be matched
against a picked battalion of Australian; the winners
to have first use of the transports, and the
one man that would be left of the two battalions
to receive the V.C. and a life pension. Argument
waxed hot until well on in December, when we
started to move towards the coast.---H.W. Forrester (3rd Canadian Divis. Sigs), 38 Macleay St., Sydney.
[*SM Herald
7/6/30*]
THE GREAT WAR.
Part of the A.I.F.
MR. HUGHES AND SIR JOHN
MONASH.
LONDON, June 5.
A remarkable tribute to Sir John Monash
is paid by the "Daily Telegraph's" military
correspondent, in a long reference to Sir John's
statement regarding the attitude of the former
Prime Minister (Mr W M Hughes). He said it
was no surprise to those who peeped behind
the veil covering the autumn of 1918. Sir John
Monash's facts tally with those already known
regarding Mr Hughes's constant pressure to
secure relief for the Australian forces, which
began weeks before the September attack on
the Hlndenburg line. One of the most amusing
inner stories of the war relates to the
attack on August 8, 1918 The secret of the
attack on the front at Amiens was so well
kept that the War Council at home knew
nothing before it had been launched and
succeeded.
During the meeting of that assembly Mr
Hughes was making a vehement speech
demanding that the Australians be taken out
ol the line when the news came that the
Australians were attacking with brilliant
success and were already far inside the German
line. The recall was too late. Mr Hughes
however did not relax his demand for relief
but happily did not prevent the Australian
line from repeating Its triumph, first storming
St Quentin and then breaking the Hindenburg
line.
Mr Hughes's attitude seemed partly inspired
by internal pressure from Australia and partly
by his feeling that the Australians were called
upon to do more than the troops of the mother
country. Certainly the Australians played
the star role more often than any formation
In 1918 although Mr Hughes's demand began
before the chief run of success commenced.
It should be remembered that the Australians
had not, like the others, borne the
brunt of the German hammer-blows earlier
though they came up each time to help in
bringing the Germans' advance to a standstill
and one might question whether the majority
of the Australians would have wished to avoid
the vital role thus given. Perhaps the great
part played by Sir John Monash in 1918 was
never fully appreciated. A civilian himself,
perhaps the ablest of all the commanders on
the Western Front, the war ended before he
had a chance to reveal his full scope, but
he had done enough to bring him his high
honour among the citizen forces of the
Empire.
The latest revelations show the pressure
from the rear which he had to withstand,
In standing by the troops of the Motherland
and the dominions.
[*Sydney Daily Guardian 9/6/30*]
MONASH FLAYED IN HUGHES' REPLY
[*Sydney Sun
9/6/30.*]
MONASH v. HUGHES
WITHDRAWAL OF TROOPS
MELBOURNE, Monday.
Sir John Monash to-day denied that
he had blamed Mr. Hughes for the
premature withdrawal of some of the
Australian troops from the war zone
in 1918.
"I did not say that Mr. Hughes had
exerted the pressure that was responsible
for the withdrawal of the Australian
troops at the critical moment,"
Sir John declared, "but that it was
someone above. I did not say it was
Mr. Hughes personally who exerted the
influence on behalf of the Australian
Government."
Commenting on Mr. Hughes's statement
that the extracts from Sir John's
article contained statements calculated
to mislead the public, and which
were mere travesties of the truth,
Sir John added, "All my statements
are on record. Everything I have said
can be documented."
"All I did," added Sir John, "was to
state a fact that the troops were withdrawn
at an inconvenient time, with
out stating or implying that Mr.
Hughes was responsible. I Indicated
that influence was exerted on behalf
of the Australian Government. Who
exerted that influence, I do not know.
I only have my suspicions, which I did
not air."
Sir John said he would like the matter
to rest at that.
[*Sydney Sun
11/6/30*]
AT MONASH
HUGHES'S COUNTER-ATTACK
"PERSONAL BLAME"
With reference to the controversy
between Sir J. Monash and himself,
Mr. Hughes says: —
Sir John now says by way of reply
that he never made any charges
against me; he denies that he blamed
me for the premature withdrawal of
the troops from the battle of the
Hindenburg line. He says: "I did not say
that Mr. Hughes had exerted the
pressure that was responsible for the
withdrawal of the Australian troops
at the critical moment, but someone
above. I had suspicions, but I did
not air them. I did not say that it
was Mr. Hughes personally who exerted
his influence on behalf of the
Australian Government. Another man
had said this."
He never blamed me personally!
That is what he says now! Well,
let the people of Australia judge for
themselves. Here are his own words,
taken not from the daily Press, but
from the article in "Reveille." "There
is no question that Mr. Hughes used
the strongest possible pressure upon
the War Council to secure the earliest
possible return to Australia of the
Field Army in France, and the depots
in England.
SUCCESS IMPERILLED
"Indeed, he went so far without the
knowledge of the fighting military
commanders as to arrange for the
return to Australia, in a special ship
which the Ministry for Shipping had
allotted for that purpose, of all the
men of the Army Corps who had
formed portion of the first two convoys
of troops which left Australia in
1914.
"As a matter of fact this came as a
great surprise to the Commander and
staff of the Australian Army Corps
and caused considerable embarrassment
. . . the order to withdraw these
men from the battle, came when the
battle was already joined, and a great
deal of confusion was thereby caused,
seriously imperilling the success of
the operation."
NOTES FROM ^of a conversation with Mr. W.M. Hughes (1926)
(from C.E.W.B)
In 1916 the question of requisitioning ships was very urgent, there
being a danger than Australia would be left with insufficient ships
to remove her produce. Mr Hughes, who was in England, had been
taking part in War Cabinet meetings and was impressed by the fact
that members of the Cabinet seemed to have no settled war plan.
Decisions were arrived at in a most casual fashion, or else a matter
was left undecided without any steps apparently being taken for its
ultimate determination. Seeing this he said to himself : "The only
way to act seems to be to take a matter xxxxxxxx into one's own hands
and act strongly." He accordingly determined to buy ships, and called
upon Mr Balfour, the First Lord of the Admiralty, to tell him so.
He found Balfour very distressed over another matter. We're in
dreadful trouble," he said. "Joffre has been over here with Cambon,
and they have made us reverse the decision we had just arrived at to
withdraw troops from Salonica." (For the Salonica decision, see
below.)
Hughes informed Balfour that he had bought fifteen ships, but
after some protest (which I have described more fully in my diaries)
Balfour later brought the matter before the War Cabinet, and it caused
rather heated discussions. Hughes said: "Very well, what are you
going to do about it?" Mr Runciman (at least, so far as Hughes's
memory goes, it was he) replied: "Oh, we'll simply requisition the
ships as soon as they come into port." However, after further
discussion, they said to Hughes: "Well, if we agree to let you have
these fifteen, will you undertake not to buy any more?" He thought it
reasonable to agree to that, and did so.
SALONICA. While Mr Hughes was present in the War Cabinet the
question of the presence of British troops in Salonica came up.
Kitchener and Robertson were anxious to withdraw them; Mr Lloyd
George was against it. Robertson explained that he had been in
that country as a young man twenty or thirty years before, and that
it was very mountainous, and that operations there would require more
2
mountain artillery than the British Army possessed. Kitchener
appeared to advance no arguments. Hughes asked: "What is the
general plan?" Kitchener sad nothing; Asquith mopped his lips
with a handkerchief. Eventually it was decided to withdraw all
the divisions except one. It was shortly after this that
Hughes saw Balfour and was told that Joffre had come over to get
the decision reversed. On that occasion Joffre, upon meeting
the British Ministers, asked M. Cambon "May I thump the table?"
He had a very big square fist, and when Cambon said "Yes", he
thumped with effect. He said that Britain's action would be
taken in France as meaning the desertion of France by England
Great Britain, and that, even if England left Salonica, France
would go on there alone. The British Cabinet could only reverse
the decision which had been come to. Hughes thinks that they
should have known the attitude would be adopted by France,
or at any rate should have been more thoroughly informed about it
before.
1918. Mr Hughes says that in 1918, some time before the
Australian advance of August 8, he was in the War Cabinet when
future plans were being discussed. Sir Henry Wilson brought
forward a paper in which he explained that steps which might prove
final - the final campaign - might be undertaken in 1919 or 1920.
Wilson himself was evidently contemplating a campaign in 1920.
They had not the slightest conception that the war could end in
1918, and Hughes holds that the event which completely changed
this outlook was the unexpected success of the Australian
infantry, which, with the Canadians, formed the main force in
the Battle of Amiens on August 8.
BRITISH LEADERSHIP. In 1918, after the German offensive of
March 21, at a meeting of the War Cabinet Mr Lloyd George explained
the situation and informed the other members that, although
affairs seemed pretty gloomy, there was no doubt that they could
hold until the Americans came in, and, if only they had the
3
courage and confidence, it was certain that they would win the war.
Mr. Borden, Prime Minister of Canada, afterwards rose and, after
speaking generally on the situation and on what Canada had done,
said that he was in possession of information which made it impossible
for him to feel confident that everything was being done for
the best, and that his obligations to the Canadian people rendered
it necessary for him to inform the War Cabinet of his misgivings.
He that Sir Archibald ARTHUR Currie, the commander of the Canadian
Corps, who was only a surveyor in private life in Canada, had
informed him that the British staff, even after three years of war,
was guilty of gross bungling. He had given Mr. Borden several
instances, which Mr. Borden proceeded to narrate to the War
Cabinet. One was the case of a British division which was employed
on the flank of the Canadians at Passchendaele in 1917. Currie
said that he, the ex-surveyor, always ensured that his troops
should be in line at least 36 hours before they were xxxxxx
to deliver an attack from it. At Passchendaele, however, a
British division came up on his flank, and its officers did not
even know where they were going or what they had to do. When the
attack took place the Canadians found themselves being fired into
from a position on their flank and rear, and, assuming that it was
German fire, they shot back. It was discovered shortly afterwards
that it was the British division that was firing upon them, and
losses had been fairly heavy on both sides. Currie further said
that the Canadians had been ordered to take Passchendaele and had
eventually done so, but that it was his opinion that the taking of
this position was entirely useless, since, as soon as it was
captured, they went on the defensive. Nearly 300,000 men had
been lost in the Ypres offensive, and this loss greatly impressed
the Cabinet as it did the British people. (Although ^as I told Mr.
Hughes, xxxx the Somme offensive in 1916 was actually a far more
bloody and less well-conducted battle, and, I think, more disastrous
to the British Army and Empire in that it practically wiped out the
first flower of Kitchener's Army and disillusioned all those
splendid men and shattered their magnificent enthusiasm.)
In another instance, Mr. Borden state that at a conference
4
during the winter of 1917/18 corps commanders were asked how much
wire they put down in front of their lines against the event of a
German attack. A British commander, who a regular soldier should
have by this time appreciated the elementary needs of warfare, said
said that he had 30,000 yards, another 33,000. Currie had put
down 350,000.
These were cited as instances of the failure of the class
from which the British staff was drawn. Mr. Massey, to whom
everything that the British Great Britain did was right, except
where it conflicted with anything that New Zealand had done, then
gave instances of a similar nature in connection with the New
Zealand attack at Passchendaele. Hughes did not say anything, as
as he did not see for the moment what there was he could usefully say.
Lloyd George simply finished the session by saying that they
must have time seriously to consider what they had heard. After
this session Lloyd George, meeting Hughes, I think, in the passage
said to him that he wish he (Hughes) had been there in 1917. "If
you had," he added, "we should have had a different leadership now."
Hughes asked him what he meant. L.G., speaking with such sincerity
as to impress Hughes, replied that he himself was not a member of the
class with which all positions in the British Army were staffed.
If he had made any move or taken any steps to remove Haig, the cry would
at once have been raised throughoutthe country that politicians were
interfering with the generals. If they had stopped the Passchendaele
offensive, the generals would have turned around and said: "You
stopped us just when we would have got through. If it had not been for you we must should have broken through the enemy in that battle."
But if the action had been taken on the initiative of the Australians,
or of any other Dominion, the people would probably have accepted it.
Mr. Hughes and the other three Prime Ministers met and
consulted as to what could be done. They all felt that a change
should be made in the command of the British Army, and recognised that Lloyd George was looking to them, if anybody, to suggest it.
However, it was clear that at the moment, when matters were
critical, such a drastic proposal coming from them, and supported,
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